IS IT A UNION? A VIEW OF AN ANTI. 

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Theo Acheampong

THE 1956 TRANS-VOLTA TOGOLAND PLEBISCITE AND MATTERS ARISING

AUGUST 18, 2016 · PUBLIC

1. Introduction

On 17 August 2016, my attention was drawn to a news article published in the Daily Graphic, which inter alia, mentioned a group known as The Homeland Study Group Foundation (HSGF) based in Ho in the Volta Region of Ghana “agitating for the restoration of so called Western Togoland as a state to declare independence for Western Togoland on 9 May 2017.”[1] According to the leader of the group, “…. the Western Togoland were plebiscite citizens in Ghana and not until a declaration was made on 9 May 2017, the people will remain an appendix to the former Gold Coast (now Ghana). They also claimed that “…world historical documents had revealed that Western Togoland was a state and not a territory of Ghana.”

Fundamentally, HSGF claims that although residents of the Western Togoland voted in 1956 to become a union with the Gold Coast (now Ghana), the union has not been formally established by way of a unionized constitution to date.[2] That is, Queen Elisabeth II did not incorporate Western (British) Togoland in the Act establishing the Gold Coast (now Ghana). Thus, they claim they are right in calling for a secession to form a new sovereign state.

However, do these arguments really stack up against the historical record? The purpose of this article is to analyse the recent calls by the HSGF in light of the existing historical narrative to address the following: (1) the history of Western Togoland (2) political associations in the Togoland (Unificationists vs Unionists) and (3) the plebiscite and matters arising.

2. History and Makeup of Western Togoland

Africa’s international boundaries were delimited and subsequently demarcated by European States following the 1884 Berlin Conference (Prescott, 1963; p1). The division of the former German colonies of Togoland, Kamerun (now Cameroun) and Tanganyika (Great Lakes Region) into British, French and Belgian Mandates after World War I was one of the most important boundary changes that took place.[3]

Prescott (1963) notes that before the European intervention “the Ewes were politically divided into about 120 subtribes lying between the centralised military kingdoms of Abomey and Ashanti. During periods of war temporary alliances were formed amongst the Ewe groups, but these were dissolved in times of peace.”[4] The Anglo-German boundary, which lay between Lomé and the Volta River divided Eweland into two protectorates namely British Gold Coast Colony and German Togoland. The British administered their mandate as an integral part of the Gold Coast Colony whereas the French kept theirs administratively separate from Dahomey (Benin) and Upper Volta (Burkina Faso). Both Togoland under the British protectorate and Togoland under the French protectorate were under supervision of the Trusteeship Council of the League of Nations (now the United Nations).[5] The Ewe area in the British controlled territory was formally constituted into the Trans-Volta-Togoland region in 1952 to enable effective administration as a single group (Prescott, 1963; p5). The landmass of British Togoland stretches from Bawku East district in the Upper East region and borders the Volta River up to the Gulf of Guinea.

Bening (1983) notes that the original boundary between the British colony of the Gold Coast and protectorate of Togo included not only the Ewe of the Keta and Peki districts in territory but it also divided the Mamprusi, Dagomba and Gonja states as well. The division of Togoland exacerbated the so-called “Ewe Problem – that is to say Ewes, who hitherto saw themselves as a “nation state”, were politically divided into two administrative camps with different official languages. The movement for Ewe unification in southern Togoland was particularly inspired along socio-economic, social-political, and cultural factors. The so-called “Ewe problem” bedevilled the UN for a decade from 1946 to 1956 and was concerned with the objectives of nationalists who wanted not just “national home, but a homeland-state, with a flag, a leader, a national anthem, a capital, embassies abroad, representation at the United Nations, and an independent voice at Pan-African meetings” (Austin 1963: p141-142).

Interestingly, the records show that “there was no Ewe state in precolonial times, although there were several semi-autonomous Ewes-peaking communities along the coast and in the Togo hills.”[6] Amenumey, however, asserts that what they wanted was “not an autonomous Ewe state but rather the grouping of the Ewe together within a larger unit of the two trust Territories and the Gold Coast’ (Amenumey 1989: p44-45). The Dagomba’s under the Northern Territories Territorial Council also supported the Ewe position that the partition had created problems for them to the extent that “the Ya Na could not exercise his full authority in Western Dagomba (Bening, 1983; p204)”

3. Political Associations in Togoland (Unificationists vs Unionists)

The 1950s saw a rise in Pan-tribal movements amongst groups that had hitherto been divided by colonial boundaries. They now saw political advantage and security in being united on one side of the boundary (Prescott, 1963; p3). For example, there were constant demands by some Ewes for unification either as a separate or to join Ghana or Togo Republic.[7] Two key groups emerged Post World War II on the status of Togoland: the unificationists and the unionists. The unificationists held on to the idea of a pan-Ewe nation state encompassing both French and British Togoland whereas the unionists held on to the belief that their interests will be best served under the Crown. A popular claim of the unificationists against the unionists was that “far from being free, the Ewes will be dominated by other Gold Coast peoples if integration takes place” thus taking a similar position as the National Liberation Movement of Ashanti.[8]

The proponents from the opposing camps of the debate were the Convention Peoples’ Party who were for integration with the Gold Coast (Unionists) and the Togoland Congress who were for unification of both French and English Togolands.[9] The leader of the Togoland Congress was a man named George Antor who was a keen advocate for the unification not only of the Ewes but of both Togolands.[10] It is reported that “… a deal was made between Antor and Olympio (from French Togoland) that unification of Togoland would come first with a promise to associate in some form with the Gold Coast so that a maximum number of Ewes could come together.”[11]

However, with the advent of independence in the Gold Coast, “some of the Ewe leaders including Daniel Chapman and Gerald Awumah expressed the view that the best hope for the Ewe people lay in the integration of British Togoland with the Gold Coast.” Despite the pro-unification Togoland congress claiming to be acting on behalf of all, the historical records show that it really spoke only on behalf of only the Ewes in the South – i.e. between Ho and Keta. The Africa Today report of 1957 mentions splits in the ranks of the unificationists. They noted “the Togoland Congress claims to stand for the unification of all Togoland as though this area were a natural entity. Other unificationists say let the north and center go to the Gold Coast if they wish but the south (Ewe Territory) must remain as a Trust territory so that the door may be left open for the uniting of the Ewe nation.”

4. The Plebiscite and Matters Arising

In 1954, a United Nations Visiting Team to British Togoland recommended a plebiscite to be held to decide on the wishes of the Togoland people on the issues of whether the Trust Territory should be integrated into or secede from the Gold Coast. The plebiscite came about because the British government, having granted internal self-government to the Gold Coast in 1954, informed the UN it could no longer administer British Togoland separately after the Gold Coast had achieved full independence (Bening, 1983; p205). The future of the Togoland territory was decided based on majority votes of the plebiscite from these four areas: (1) Northern Section of British Togoland, (3) Kpandu and Ho Districts; (3) Buem-Krachi District north of the southern boundary; and (4) Buem-Krachi District.[12]

On 9 May 1956, the poll was held with an 83% voter turnout estimated at 160,587 persons. A resounding 58% of the population backed the union with the Gold Coast with the remaining 42% voting against it. The same plebiscite in French Togoland, showed a majority of the people voting in favour of the territory becoming an autonomous republic within the French Union (Prescott, 1963). Interestingly, the results showed that there was an overwhelming support for the union in the Northern Togoland region whereas the Ewe-speaking areas of the south namely in Ho and Kpando voted strongly in favour of seceding from the new Ghana. To put this into context, Ho and Kpando regions comprised only about 15% of the territory in terms of landmass.[13]

On this basis, the British government therefore recommended that the Trans Volta Togoland should be integrated into the Gold Coast. This suggestion, however, did not go down well with a portion of those from the Ewe speaking regions as they had opted to join the French Togo in the plebiscite which had then attained the status of an autonomous republic. There was even an armed rebellion by the people of Alavanyo against integration with the Gold Coast.[14]

Figure 1 Results of the 1956 Plebiscite in British Togoland

Source: UN Year Book (1959) cited in Bening (1983)

Following the recommendation by the British government on the basis of the poll results, the Fourth Committee of the Eleventh Session of the General Assembly of the UN approved the union “…. and their recommendation was adopted by the General Assembly and on 6 March, 1957 the British trust territory of Togoland and the Gold Coast became the independent and unitary state of Ghana.”[15] The new Parliament of Ghana after independence adopted the UN resolution to merge and integrate the Trans-Volta Togoland with Ghana which was then given the name Volta Region.

5. Conclusions

From the above historical exposition, it is trite to say the requisite protocols were followed in the run-up to Trans-Volta Togoland becoming part of the unitary state called Ghana. It is highly fatuous for anybody to claim that they have the right to secede because the Trans-Volta Togoland-Ghana union has not been formally established by way of a unionized constitution to date. The processes adopted and the results of the plebiscite were clear: the vote was not for federal union! Rather, it was to join a new unitary state called Ghana. The Queen did not need to incorporate Western (British) Togoland into an Act establishing Ghana – i.e. the 1956 Ghana Independence Bill.[16]

This issue of secession did not start today. Indeed, some people publicly demanded secession from Ghana at a 1975 durbar attended by Gen. I.K. Acheampong at Ho. The historical records even show that a legion of Ewe chiefs also went to Lomé and petitioned the Ghana Ambassador there to initiate immediate negotiations between the two countries for a solution to the demands for the reunification of Togoland. Finally, let me restate here again that the May 1956 plebiscite duly prepared the way for British Togoland to join the Gold Coast and became a fully independent state of Ghana on 6 March 1957. The interests of elements in this fringe secessionist group should be discounted and treated with the contempt it deserves. I have not seen any 50 year expiry date on the plebiscite. Their claims are bogus!

Additional Reading (References)

1. Nugent, P., 2002. Smugglers, Secessionists, and Loyal Citizens on the Ghana-Toga Frontier. James Currey Publishers

2. Amenumey, D.E.K., 1989. The Ewe Unification Movement: A Political History. Ghana Universities Press.

3. McKay, V., 1956. Too slow or too fast. Foreign Affairs, Vol. 3 (2), pp. 295-310

4. Amenumey, D. E. K. “The 1956 Plebiscite in Togoland under British Administration and Ewe Unification.” Africa Today 3 (1976): 126-140.

5. Brown, D., 1980. Borderline politics in Ghana: The national liberation movement of western Togoland. The Journal of Modern African Studies,18(04), pp.575-609.

6. Coleman, J.S., 1956. Togoland. International conciliation, (509), pp.3-91.

7. Skinner, K., 2007. Reading, Writing and Rallies: The Politics of ‘Freedom’ in Southern British Togoland, 1953–1956. The Journal of African History,48(01), pp.123-147.

8. Bening, R.B., 1983. The Ghana-Togo boundary, 1914-1982. Africa Spectrum, pp.191-209.

9. Brown, D., 1982. Who are the tribalists? Social pluralism and political ideology in Ghana. African Affairs, 81(322), pp.37-69.

10. Prescott, J.R.V., 1963. Africa’s major boundary problems. The Australian Geographer, 9(1), pp.3-12.

11. Plebiscite Forthcoming in British Togoland. (1956). Africa Today, 3(2), 5-7. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/4183794

12. Apoh, W., 2013. Germany and Its West African Colonies:” excavations” of German Colonialism in Post-colonial Times (Vol. 49). LIT Verlag Münster Xw���

End Notes

[1] http://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/Group-to-declare-Volta-region-independence-on-May-9-2017-463239

[2] http://www.graphic.com.gh/news/general-news/we-are-breaking-away-from-ghana-volta-region-group.html

[3] Prescott, 1963; p1

[4] This view is also corroborated in recent works of Adotey (2013) and Amenumey (1989) [5] http://www.ghana.gov.gh/index.php/about-ghana/regions/volta

[6] Austin 1963: p141

[7] Prescott, 1963: p3

[8] Africa Today, 1957: p6

[9] Ibid, p7

[10] Ibid, p7

[11] Ibid, p7

[12] Bening, 1983; p205

[13] Ibid, p206

[14] Ibid, p206

[15] Ibid, p206

[16] http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1956/dec/11/ghana-independence-bill

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Atseo-me Kofi Cornelius-Obuor

Great write-up Theo! You’ve shown beautifully that they secessionists have no legal claim. But I’ve been looking at their page on facebook and it seems they’ve mastered the art of appealing to sentiments. And if they win the hearts of enough ppeople, they can become a force. I’m thinking of Biafra.

Like1Reply · More · Aug 18, 2016

Dumevigah Yao replied · 3 replies

Nana Akwasi Adu Acheampong

Good piece. Very informative. Ghana can’t afford such distractions now. We need to unite for development.

Like1Reply · More · Aug 19, 2016

H Kwasi Prempeh

Maybe they’ve got some inside information about a significant oil and gas find in the lower Volta basin that the rest of us don’t know about.🙂

Like2Reply · More · Aug 19, 2016

Dumevigah Yao replied · 4 replies

Selorm Adukpo

Theo thanks for the good write up. 
Also prior to the plebiscite, areas to the south of Ho ie the Ketu areas, Anlo areas and others were originally part of Gold Coast administered territory and a study of the plebiscite shows that they did not take part in the voting. Are they then advocating for just the areas that took part in the voting (primarily from Ho upwards) to secede or they am asking for the whole Volta region to secede. Even if there was such an end to the plebiscite, surely the Ewes south of Ho cannot be made a part of this ‘new nation’ as they were originally part of the Gold Coast and not affected by the plebiscite. 

On the whole these guys do not have a case. It may be led by a group of old folks from that area. Their request is not possible.

Like2Reply · More · Aug 19, 2016

Kwabena Brian

Theo, excellent work. I’m only sad Prof Kofi Awoonor is late, I would have loved to know his mind on this angle of things……or his version.

Like2Reply · More · Aug 19, 2016

Kwasi Ackah

Succinct n coherent.

Like1Reply · More · Aug 19, 2016

Augusto d’Almeida

Kweku Darko Ankrah 
With this map this is how it looks. as Kofi Amenyo narrates ….
A cursory look at the results reveals some clear-cut trends. The two predominantly Ewe districts of Kpandu and Ho voted massively for separation (69%) with an even more massive vote (79%) for union in the three northern-most districts. The northerners did not find themselves akin to the dominant Ewe south and a return to Togo or independence would have left some northern tribes divided with the Dagbon, for instance, having their capital in Yendi, while some of their people would belong to Ghana. An interlocutor has said on this forum that the singular vote of the Nanumba was decisive in the outcome of the results of the district to which they belonged. Buem/Krachi district, the heartland of the cocoa growing area perched in between the two, voted for union but had a significant number wanting separation. The area had (and still has) large migrants of Ewe speaking inhabitants drawn there by the available farming land and non-Ewe speakers who identified with Ewes. The British had not cared to develop the area to the same extent as the rest of the colony but the northern areas were even less developed – a fact which, unfortunately, is still the case today. But it was only the total votes that were considered. (Three years later, in a similar plebiscite in the British controlled Cameroon, the issues were more clear-cut and the areas that voted to rejoin Cameroon did so becoming the English speaking regions of that country with the rest remaining in Nigeria).

LikeReply · More · Aug 19, 2016

3 replies

Osei Assibey

Thx theo for setting up the background facts. I am not for or against the group’s objectives. In fact I am open to any discussion if any group want to secede. My problem with group is if they think legally they are right, why haven’t they appeal to the Un or made a legal claim at the international court? Like all legal marriages sometimes a break is inevitable. The Scots who have been in union with the English for more than 300 yrs even want independence. When marriages come to an end, all assets and liabilities are proportionally shared. Similar argument was advanced in the Scottish referendum. My question is in case of independence, will this new state take up their share of ghana’s huge debt?

LikeReply · More · Aug 19, 2016

Dumevigah Yao replied · 3 replies

Hotep Abeku Adams

We shouldn’t forget the problem the Coup of 1969 caused to this discourse.

Volumes of documents on this subject were left to rot in the rain under Dr. Busia on the streets at the Broadcasting and flagstaff housed, according to Prof. Tom McCaskie.

Other crooks sold/handed over tones of sensitive documents to the Americans.

During Rawlings’ era elements of the Ewe Separatists searched and stole many of such documents on the Plebiscite.

Edited · LikeReply · More · Aug 19, 2016

Hotep Abeku Adams replied · 5 replies

Augusto d’Almeida

Kweku Darko Ankrah
Deep Deep…
You are really giving us a vivid historical background…and in and outs..
Kudos ….

Like1Reply · More · Aug 19, 2016

George Ohene Yaw Nimako

Interesting information.

LikeReply · More · Aug 19, 2016

Schubert Kumeko Bani

There was a moratorium on the plebiscite,can anyone show us it`s contents,please

LikeReply · More · Aug 19, 2016

Schubert Kumeko Bani

WE THE EWES NEED TO HAVE OUR OWN COUNTRY.PERIOD!!

Like1Reply · More · Aug 19, 2016

1 reply

Schubert Kumeko Bani

what is now known as volta region

LikeReply · More · Aug 19, 2016

Schubert Kumeko Ba… replied · 2 replies

Eugene Ghorman

Well done for educating some of us

Like2Reply · More · Aug 19, 2016

Oko Mensah

From the results,it is clear that kpando and Ho voted against the separation. It was said that people who were not in favour of it were abducted, tormented and killed by the power that be by then. For example, around Alavanyo areas, lots of atrocities were committed against people who kicked against the intimidation and manipulation of voting process.

LikeReply · More · Aug 19, 2016

David Ato Quansah

very well written.

Like1Reply · More · Aug 19, 2016

Adams Bodomo

This is no playing matter ooo. You know western arms companies are always angling around looking for such idiots to supply them with arms and start yet another western-sponsored war in Africa. My advice to the government is to put a media blockage on them, infiltrate them quietly and neutralise them if it is discovered that they pose a thread to the peace of the Ghanaian and west African population!

Edited · LikeReply · More · Aug 19, 2016

Enock Pufaa

With the prospect of oil discovery in the volta basin this space must be watched closely. As Prof. Adams Bodomo has rightly indicated, the Western powers will be happy to exploit this situation.

Like1Reply · More · Aug 20, 2016

Reinhoff Anthony Krom

Just gone through your article, very well written, but with a lot of potholes anvd air spaces leaving a lot o f questions to be answered. You are far behind, you need more research.

Like1Reply · More · Aug 21, 2016

Adesi Michael replied · 1 reply

Miehszx Pathd’neggroe

So we hereby assume that the people have no idea of their own history and all of a sudden Western referenced historical write-ups are so true to the records. It’s a pity we are witnessing the destruction of our nation due to these tribal sentiments and yet find it impossible for a group to sort out their grounds in making the right amends.

Like1Reply · More · Aug 21, 2016

Fortunito Favorito replied · 1 reply

Leo Dungah Godisincontrol

It is Jxt a matter of time

Like2Reply · More · Aug 21, 2016

Adesi Michael

Well written and scholarly. I researched and found that UN Resolution 1044 did not indicate the expiration of the unification. As Prof Bodomo indicated, selfish individuals seeking leadership position may be instigating this. The time to act is now.

LikeReply · More · Dec 13, 2016

Alvaro Wonder-Benx

it will be too young now to juxtaose whether or not the sepereation will be of good to the people of the TRANS. Lets attack this with much dilligence and consultation so as to achieve optimum result to the best of our mother TRANS.

LikeReply · More · Feb 28

Joshua Swain Hughes

Does this mean we should allow this region to cecede and become an independent state? This is the time we rather want the whole of Africa to unite and become one country.

LikeReply · More · Yesterday at 4:34pm

Bright Governor

Let’s see what happens next
it’s an average research not bad.

LikeReply · More · Yesterday at 10:33pm

Famous-Andy Agblor

Yes but if you feel uncomfortable in a foreign land,,,what do u do? It happened in the time of the Israelites. Regardless how many years they spent or suffered in a foreign land. This could be a REVOLUTIONFOR A BETTER TOMORROW

LikeReply · More · Yesterday at 11:04pm

Famous-Andy Agblor

Can somebody tell me how many factories built in the ewe land by the previous governments of Ghana? No matter how they might have been favored politically…

LikeReply · More · Yesterday at 11:08pm

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TIME IS UP. LET THE BRUTE EAT DUST FOR ONCE. 

Dakar (AFP) – The Gambia’s president-elect Adama Barrow landed in neighbouring Senegal Sunday where he will remain until his planned inauguration this week, Senegalese sources said, following an agreement with west African leaders.

The president-elect is due to take power on January 19 when President Yahya Jammeh’s mandate runs out, but the long-serving strongman has refused to cede power after disputing the result of a December 1 election won by Barrow.

Senegalese President Macky Sall accepted a request to host Barrow in Dakar “until his inauguration,” the official APS agency said citing an official.

“Barrow is in Dakar as of Sunday, just after midnight,” the official told APS. “The Senegalese president accepted the request of his Liberian counterpart Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, the current ECOWAS president,” it added.

A source in the Senegalese presidency confirmed to AFP that Barrow was in Dakar following consultations with heads of state from the Economic Community Of West African States (ECOWAS) at a Bamako summit.

ECOWAS, a 15-nation bloc, has repeatedly called on Jammeh to respect the result of the vote and leave after 22 years in power.

Barrow flew into the Malian capital as a surprise guest at the Africa-France summit after talks broke down Friday between a three-nation west African delegation and Jammeh.

Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari, Sirleaf and Ghana’s ex-president John Mahama have appealed to Jammeh to step down twice in person, without success.

The leaders of at least 30 nations had gathered in Bamako to discuss jihad on the continent and Africa’s impact on the European migrant crisis — but The Gambia’s political impasse dominated events.

The spectre of a military intervention has arisen in recent days following declarations by the United Nations and African Union that boots on the ground could get the green light without a rapid resolution of the crisis.

Mohamed Ibn Chambas, head of the UN Office for West Africa and the Sahel, said on Friday that ECOWAS would ask the Security Council to approve the deployment of troops to The Gambia if Jammeh continues to refuse to leave office.

ECOWAS has made clear in the past that force will not be ruled out as a last resort, but the Nigerian army has denied reports it is preparing troops for a Gambian intervention.

There are just three days left of Jammeh’s five-year term, and he has warned the international community against “undue external interference”.

Jammeh has said he will not stand aside until the country’s Supreme Court decides on his legal challenge seeking to annul the result of last month’s polls, which he had initially conceded losing.

The ruling however is unlikely to happen before May. See more https://au.news.yahoo.com/world/a/34064219/gambias-barrow-in-senegal-until-his-inauguration/#page1

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William Nyarko
The Africa Center for International Law and Accountability